2014 marks the centenary of the outbreak of World War I
(1914-1918).
On 28 June in
Sarajevo,
the heir to the throne of the
Dual Monarchy (Austria-Hungary) Franz-Ferdinand and his morganatic wife Sophie
(the mother of their four children) was assassinated by a local terrorist.
This tragic
event led, within a month, because of the complex of secret diplomatic
alliances between nations that fell into play, to the German Army’s swift
invasion and occupation of Belgium and the northern part of France.
Thus began
a European (then world) war that lasted for four long and brutal years, with
many fighting fronts, much trench warfare, and – worst of all – horrific casualties. Airplanes became a weapon of war and poison
gas was introduced. France alone lost
1.3 million men, and hundreds of thousands more were maimed for life or
suffered severe psychological damage. Total war casualties are generally agreed to have topped 20
million.
Most women in the combatant nations supported their country’s war effort, postponing their
fight for the vote and other desirable reforms; victory seemed paramount.
They took over men’s labor in the fields and
factories, including the munitions plants.
By 1918, some 1.5 million women worked in building arms.
There were a few women, however, who took a
stand for peace.
One of these was a French
teacher and union administrator named Hélène Brion (1882-1962).
In late
1917, Hélène Brion and several others were arrested and charged with treason;
they were vilified by the mainstream press. They were tried in a military court in late March 1919. Brion was convicted, but her three-year
prison sentence was suspended.
The unusual
part of this trial was Hélène Brion’s statement of defense, in which she
invoked her status as a non-citizen under French law and claimed the intrinsic
links between her work for peace and her feminist commitment. She talked back to power in a military
court! She speaks to the difficulty
women faced in ostensible democracies where women had no say in the making of
laws (French women did not obtain the vote until 1944).
Here, in Clio’s
English translation, is her statement. Her
words are still worth reading and pondering in today’s troubled times.
“I appear
before this court charged with a political crime; yet I am denied all political
rights.
“Because I
am a woman, I am classified de plano by my country’s laws, far inferior
to all the men of France and the colonies.
In spite of the intelligence that has been officially recognized only
recently, in spite of the certificates and diplomas that were granted me long
ago, before the law I am not the equal of an illiterate black man from
Guadeloupe or the Ivory Coast. For he can participate by means of the
ballot, in directing the affairs of our common country, while I
cannot. I am outside the law.
“The law
should be logical and ignore my existence when it comes to punishments, just as
it is ignored when it comes to rights. I
protest against its lack of logic.
“I protest
against the application of laws that I have neither wished for nor discussed.
“This law
that I challenge reproaches me for having held opinions of a nature to
undermine popular morale. I protest even
more strongly and I deny it! My discreet
and nuanced propaganda has always been a constant appeal to reason, to the
power of reflection, to the good sense that belongs to every human being,
however small the portion.
“Moreover,
I recall, for form’s sake, that my propaganda has never been directed against
the national defense and has never called for peace at any price: on the
contrary, I have always maintained that there was but one duty, one duty with
two parts: for those at the front, to hold fast; for those at the rear, to be thoughtful.
“I have
exercised this educational action especially in a feminist manner, for I am
first and foremost a feminist. All those who know me can attest to it. And it is because of my feminism that I am an enemy of war.
“The
accusation suggests that I preach pacifism under the pretext of feminism. This accusation distorts my propaganda for
its own benefit. I affirm that the
contrary is true, and it is easy for me to prove it. I affirm that I have been a militant feminist
for many years, well before the war; that since the war began I have simply
continued; and that I have never reflected on the horrors of the present
without noting that things might have been different if women had had a say in
matters concerning social issues.
[.
. . . .]
“I am an
enemy of war because I am a feminist. War represents the triumph of brute strength, while feminism can only
triumph through moral strength and intellectual values. Between the two there is total contradiction.
“I do not
believe that in primitive society the strength or value of woman was inferior
to that of men, but it is certain that in present-day society the possibility
of war has established a totally artificial scale of values that works to
women’s detriment.